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Upananda Brahmachari
West Bengal’s elections have historically been loud spectacles. Streets fill with processions, walls become battlegrounds of posters, loudspeakers echo slogans late into the night, and rival camps confront each other openly. But as the state moves toward the 2026 Assembly election, a different political rhythm appears to be taking shape — one that is quieter, less visible, yet potentially far-reaching.
Across several districts, networks associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have been conducting a form of grassroots outreach that avoids traditional campaign theatrics. Instead of public rallies and stage speeches, organisers are focusing on small gatherings inside homes, tea stalls, neighbourhood clubs and temple courtyards. The effort is often described internally as “Jagaran” — an awakening — a term that frames the activity as cultural or social awareness rather than overt electoral mobilisation.
Yet beneath this softer language lies a clear political narrative. Conversations in these meetings frequently revolve around themes of Hindu identity, perceived neglect, and the need for greater unity among Bengali Hindus. The message does not usually arrive as a direct call for votes but rather as a gradual effort to reshape how communities interpret their social and political surroundings.
Observers note that this method marks a strategic shift in the way Hindutva politics is being projected in Bengal. Rather than dramatic confrontation, the emphasis appears to be on familiarity and repetition. When a political idea travels through neighbours or acquaintances rather than party leaders, it can feel less like persuasion and more like shared recognition.
Unlike traditional campaigning, this approach relies less on dramatic persuasion and more on repetition and familiarity. When a message arrives through neighbours, community members or local organisers rather than party leaders, it can feel less like a political argument and more like the articulation of shared concerns.
Political observers note that such strategies aim to gradually reshape emotional perceptions within communities. Instead of introducing fear or grievance abruptly, the message is introduced gently, affirmed repeatedly, and slowly presented as a natural interpretation of social realities.
In Bengal today, these processes often appear intertwined with cultural activities. Religious festivals, neighbourhood celebrations and community gatherings sometimes acquire subtle political significance. Participation is framed as an expression of unity and pride, while absence can quietly raise questions about loyalty or belonging.
In Bengal’s evolving political landscape, this slow-building narrative is visible in subtle ways. Cultural events, religious festivals and neighbourhood celebrations increasingly carry political undertones. Participation in such activities can become a symbolic affirmation of belonging, while absence sometimes invites quiet questioning.
The contemporary information ecosystem amplifies these developments. Political messaging no longer travels only through party platforms or television debates. It spreads through WhatsApp groups, viral videos, neighbourhood rumours and emotionally charged stories that circulate widely, often without verification.
The modern communication environment amplifies this process. Political narratives now spread not only through television debates or public speeches but also through social media platforms, WhatsApp groups and local networks of information exchange.
Emotionally charged stories, selective data, and personal anecdotes often circulate widely across these channels, shaping perceptions faster than traditional fact-based discourse. Through repetition and informal conversation, these messages can reinforce the narratives discussed in community meetings and neighbourhood gatherings.
Reports in sections of the media suggest that RSS-linked outreach efforts in Bengal deliberately emphasise this informal style of engagement — presenting activities as social awareness programmes rather than partisan campaigning.
The outreach also coincides with a significant organisational milestone. As the RSS marks its centenary year, large-scale mobilisation efforts have been planned across the country. In Bengal, units of the organisation — spanning north, south and central regions — have reportedly organised thousands of Hindu Sammelans since early 2026 with the assistance of affiliated groups such as the Hindu Jagran Manch (HJM) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP).
These gatherings, held in varying sizes across districts, often highlight a framework called “Panch Parivartan” or five areas of social transformation:
Alongside these themes, speakers frequently emphasise unity among Hindus in Bengal and raise concerns about huge corruption, cultural security, Jihadi aggression and demographic anxieties highlighting the need for a change in Bengal..
Parallel initiatives are also unfolding alongside. While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has begun its Parivartan Yatra across the state, the VHP is planning a Sant Yatra involving monks and religious leaders to connect with communities across districts. Some ideological circles have even floated the idea of projecting a religious personality — such as Swami Pradiptananda — as a symbolic figure capable of galvanising the Hindu electorate in a manner similar to religious-political leadership models seen elsewhere in India. VHP’s proposed a “Sant Yatra,” is also aimed at influencing public opinion across districts.
However, the expanding role of RSS networks in Bengal’s electoral preparation appears to be generating internal complications for the BJP itself.
According to sources familiar with the process, some RSS functionaries and pracharaks have become deeply involved in political coordination — including gathering biographical data from potential candidates for the upcoming election. Reports suggest that hundreds of profiles from aspirants are currently being examined within RSS-linked channels, while thousands more have reached the BJP through its formal organisational structure.
Such parallel screening processes have reportedly created confusion within sections of the party. West Bengal’s Assembly has 294 constituencies, and candidate selection has always been a delicate balancing act involving organisational loyalty, caste and community dynamics, financial capacity, and local influence.
While the Sangh Parivar traditionally maintains coordination committees to manage relations between affiliated bodies, insiders acknowledge that disagreements during candidate selection could trigger friction between factions.
Political analysts warn that disappointed aspirants — a common phenomenon in Indian elections — could weaken campaign unity if internal disputes intensify.
Speculation over potential leadership figures is also circulating within the wider political ecosystem. Various camps within the broader Sangh-BJP network are said to favour different personalities as the possible face of the party should it come to power in Bengal.
Names frequently mentioned in political discussions include state leaders such as Suvendu Adhikari, Sukanta Majumdar, Shamik Bhattacharya, and Dilip Ghosh. Some ideological supporters have also spoken of projecting a religious figure like Swami Pradiptananda in the mould of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, while admirers of actor-turned-politician Mithun Chakraborty occasionally float his name as a charismatic alternative.
Most of these discussions remain speculative, yet they illustrate the complexity of building consensus within a rapidly expanding political ecosystem.
Alongside these strategic efforts, rumours and allegations have also surfaced regarding irregularities in the process of distributing party nominations or campaign resources. Some claims suggest that intermediaries might be attempting to exploit aspirants by promising influence over ticket distribution.
Such allegations remain unverified but have circulated widely in political circles. Party leaders have generally avoided public comment on these claims, though observers note that transparency in candidate selection often becomes crucial in maintaining organisational discipline.
The campaign machinery itself is also evolving. Teams of consultants and survey groups from outside Bengal — including from Delhi, Gujarat and Maharashtra — have reportedly been conducting constituency-level assessments. Critics within the state unit argue that some of these teams lack familiarity with Bengal’s complex local dynamics and may be producing overly optimistic reports.
There is also debate within BJP circles over the role of social media strategies. While high-quality audio-visual campaigns dominate online platforms, several grassroots workers argue that digital narratives sometimes diverge from the realities experienced in local communities.
Despite the expanding mobilisation, internal complexities within the broader Sangh–BJP ecosystem in Bengal appear to be growing.
According to political insiders, several RSS pracharaks and karyakartas have taken an unusually proactive role in political coordination, including the collection of biographical profiles from potential candidates aspiring to contest the 2026 Assembly election.
Sources suggest that hundreds of such profiles are being examined through RSS-linked channels, while the BJP itself has received thousands of applications from aspirants hoping to secure party nominations.
While coordination committees exist within the Sangh Parivar structure, the parallel involvement of different groups in candidate evaluation has reportedly created confusion within sections of the BJP organisation. With 294 Assembly constituencies in the state, the process of finalising candidates could potentially generate friction between various factions.
Another concern being raised within some political circles is the growing influence of relatively inexperienced RSS organisers in electoral planning. Critics within the opposition camp argue that many of such operatives outside from Bengal and even from the United States lack a deep understanding of Bengal’s social and political complexities, raising fears that strategic miscalculations could weaken the overall campaign.
Amid these developments, troubling allegations have also begun circulating in political circles. Some aspirants claim that certain intermediaries are collecting money from hopeful candidates by invoking the names of the RSS or BJP, promising to facilitate party nominations.
While these claims remain unverified and no formal evidence has yet emerged publicly, the rumours have created unease among sections of the party’s grassroots workers. If such practices were to prove true, observers warn, they could severely damage the credibility of both the BJP and the RSS in the state.
Candidate selection has historically been one of the most sensitive stages in any election campaign. Dissatisfied aspirants — particularly those who feel unfairly treated — often become a source of internal rebellion or passive resistance during the election campaign.
Financial management within the opposition’s campaign structure has also come under scrutiny. According to several insiders, the central leadership of the BJP has allocated substantial funds to strengthen its electoral campaign in Bengal. These resources are meant to support various activities ranging from grassroots mobilisation to digital outreach.
However, critics within sections of the party allege that portions of these funds are being misused or diverted across different organisational sectors, including segments of the party’s IT operations and networks connected with allied organisations. Such allegations are difficult to verify independently, but they have fuelled concerns about accountability and transparency within the campaign apparatus.
In addition, multiple survey and consulting teams from outside Bengal — including from states such as Delhi, Gujarat and Maharashtra — have reportedly been deployed to conduct constituency-level assessments. While these teams present themselves as strategic analysts, some local party workers question whether they fully understand the ground realities of Bengal’s complex political culture.
According to critics, a few such teams allegedly produce overly optimistic reports about the party’s prospects, potentially encouraging unrealistic expectations while maintaining the flow of campaign resources.
Meanwhile, the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) is closely monitoring developments within the opposition camp. Political insiders suggest that information flows between rival parties are extensive in Bengal’s intensely competitive political culture. Defections, cross-party contacts and shifting loyalties have been common features of the state’s politics in recent years.
Some opposition organisers even claim that many individuals from RSS-BJP clan sympathetic to the ruling party occasionally operate within rival networks, though such allegations are difficult to substantiate.
Apprehending these Hindutva activities within the RSS–BJP camp, the ruling party, the TMC, has also adopted a soft Hindutva strategy by enhancing the Purohit Bhata, opening the Jagannath Temple, and announcing the Mahakal Temple in North Bengal as well as a Durga Mandap Complex in Rajarhat.
The quiet mobilisation unfolding in Bengal raises a broader question about the nature of political change in the state.
For decades, Bengal’s political identity was shaped by ideological debate — from the long Left Front era to the populist regional politics of the Trinamool Congress. The current moment appears to introduce a new dimension: the steady infusion of cultural nationalism into everyday social interactions.
Whether this approach will translate into electoral success remains uncertain. The BJP made significant gains in the 2019 parliamentary election and emerged as the principal opposition in the 2021 Assembly polls, yet it failed to unseat the Trinamool government.
The strategy now underway suggests an attempt to reshape the ideological ground gradually rather than rely solely on conventional campaigning.
At the same time, discussions about leadership continue to circulate within the broader political ecosystem. Various groups within the Sangh-BJP network are said to favour different personalities as the possible face of governance if the party succeeds in forming a government in the state.
While several established political leaders remain in contention, some ideological supporters have advocated the projection of a religious figure like Swami Pradiptananda as a symbolic rallying point capable of energising the Hindu electorate.
However, the political struggle, experience, and organisational abilities of the West Bengal Leader of the Opposition (LoP), Suvendu Adhikari, have strengthened the perception among many BJP supporters in the state that he could be the next Chief Minister of West Bengal — a sentiment often described as the “maan ki baat” (inner conviction) of the party’s grassroots base.
Such debates remain largely speculative but reflect the internal search for a compelling leadership narrative capable of challenging the entrenched dominance of the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC).
Meanwhile, the ruling party is closely observing developments within the opposition camp. Bengal’s political landscape has long been characterised by shifting loyalties, internal rivalries and intense information exchange between competing parties.
Political observers note that in such an environment, organisational discipline and clarity of strategy often become decisive factors in determining electoral outcomes.
The quiet mobilisation taking place across Bengal suggests an attempt to reshape the state’s political conversation from the ground up. By blending cultural messaging, grassroots interaction and digital communication, the strategy seeks to gradually redefine political identity and community perceptions.
Yet the success of this approach may ultimately depend on whether the organisational machinery behind it functions smoothly. Internal disputes, allegations of financial irregularities, and the increasing involvement of inexperienced operatives could complicate what is otherwise an ambitious mobilisation effort.
As the 2026 Assembly election approaches, Bengal’s political future may hinge not only on ideological narratives or campaign resources but also on how effectively parties manage their internal structures and maintain credibility among voters.
In a state known for its vibrant political debate, the unfolding contest will test whether quiet mobilisation and identity-driven messaging can overcome organisational challenges and translate into electoral victory — or whether internal contradictions will blunt the impact of this carefully crafted strategy.
As the 2026 election approaches, Bengal’s political environment may be defined as much by these quiet conversations as by the rallies and slogans that traditionally dominate campaign seasons.
The outcome will depend not only on organisational strength or financial resources but also on how effectively parties understand the complex social fabric of the state.
In the end, the question facing Bengal may not simply be who wins the election, but how the language of politics itself is changing — and whether the slow shift toward identity-centred mobilisation will deepen or disrupt the state’s long tradition of argumentative democratic culture. Bengal is not an easy turf for the RSS to win the game in favour of the BJP if it does not first rectify its own faultlines.
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